INTRODUCTION
In
April 1867, the Rev. Daniel and Sophia McGilvary, American Presbyterian
missionaries, arrived in the city of Chiang Mai, northern Siam,
to establish the "Laos Mission"
and thus initiate the Christian evangelization of the northern
Thai people. Chiang Mai was the chief city of Siam's northern
tributary states and heir to a long, honorable cultur
al tradition
of its own, one stretching back several centuries to the days
of the Lan Na Kingdom.
The McGilvarys took with them a large assortment of bags, boxes,
and cases containing nearly all of the goods and supplies that
they would need for many months to come. They also carried along
a good deal of "mental baggage" that included their
American and Presbyterian worldview, values, beliefs, and attitudes;
it is that mental baggage and that of their colleagues in the
Laos Mission that concerns us here.
In amongst
the mental baggage the McGilvarys and those who followed them
took with them to Chiang Mai was a contradiction, a paradox
that has puzzled at least some scholars and church dignitaries
for nearly a century. The Presbyterians moved to Chiang Mai
with the intention of converting the northern Thai to Christianity,
but they carried out that task in a way that emphasized the
differences and strangeness of their faith. They believed that
the ete
rnal fate of the northern Thai depended on converting
them to the Protestant faith, and yet the missionaries preserved
and even emphasized the alien nature of their message. Why?
Maen Pongudom points out, moreover, that the attitudes and strategies
used by the Laos Mission also stand in sharp contrast to those
of the early church, which frequently embraced its cultural
contexts rather than rejecting them.
It seems so commonplace in our day of cross-cultural advertising,
thus, that one shapes messages to fit contexts that we cannot
but term a message that eschews and even defies its cultural
context as paradoxical, contradictory, and enigmatic—whether
by the standards of ancient ecclesiastica
l or modern commercial
practices.
These
questions concerning missionary policies and behavior in northern
Siam call attention not only to the Presbyterian missionaries'
mental baggage itself, but also
In
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, northern Siam was
known in Bangkok as "Laos" and the people as the "Lao"—hence
the name "Laos Mission," also called the North Laos
Mission.
Historical Thailand
is referred to by its previous official name of "Siam,"
and the northern Thai region is, thus, termed "northern Siam."
The people of that region are here called "northern Thai."
See Chapter One for a brief history of the Lan Na Kingdom.
Maen Pongudom,
"Apologetics and Missionary Proclamation Exemplified by American
Presbyterian Missionaries to Thailand (1828-1978), Early Church
Apologists: Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria and Origen, and
the Venerable Buddhadasa Bhikku, A Thai Buddhist Monk-Apologist"
(Ph.D. diss., University of Otago, 1979), 398ff. Compare Ferguson's
observation that Christianity proved itself more adept at adapting
Greek philosophy to its needs than any of its "pagan rivals."
Everett Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity
(Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 1987), 488-89. See
also Bernhard Lohse, A Short History of Christian
Doctrine, rev. ed., trans. F. Ernest Stoeffler (Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1985), 41-2.
iv
and most especially the cognitive sources
of that baggage. The missionaries evidently acted on the basis
of certain ideas and attitudes that shaped their practice
of missions. It is the purpose of this study to explore those
cognitive sources of missionary behavior in northern Siam
and discover the link between missionary thought and behavior
that emerged from them, a link that has remained unclear in
spite of the work of several scholars described below. It
has not even clear what those sources might be. To anticipate
our thesis, this study will argue that missionary praxis in
northern Siam grew out of the missionaries' "system of
doctrines and meanin
gs," which system they brought with
them from the United States.
The question
before us in this study, then, is that of the Presbyterian missionary
practice of missions in northern Siam. Kosuke Koyama's brief,
winsome 1967 article entitled, "Aristotelian Pepper and
Buddhist Salt," reflects on the anti-contextual enigma
implied in the manner of the founding of the Laos Mission. Writing
an "open letter" to the long-deceased Dr. McGilvary,
Koyama explains to him that McGilvary's spiritual and intellectual
influence still suffused the churches of the North, and he asks,
"I have become, then, curious to know whether your audience
understood your preaching or not, if you will pardon me for
asking." Koyama, himself a missionary in Chiang Mai, asks
because, "In my ministry here today I am forced to see
how thoroughly strange and unrealistic—how 'western'—is
the Christian vocabulary to the ears of my Thai neighbors!"
In the face of the strangeness of the missionary message, he
adds, northern Thai Christians had flavored missionary religion
with heavy doses of their own local cultures, which fact only
compounds his puzzlement concerning the way in which the missionaries
originally presented their message.
Why did the Presbyterians present Christianity in a strange,
unrealistic way that had to be reinterpreted culturally? Why
introduce the Christian message in forms and ways that were
overtly alien to the northern Thai and made reception of that
message extremely difficult even when reinterpreted?
Others
have asked similar questions, well before Koyama. It was no
secret that the people of Siam generally found in Protestantism
a distinctly uninteresting and unpopular religious system. Few
of them, relative to the size of the population, converted.
The missionaries in the North frequently blamed the small number
of converts on the character flaws of the northern Thai themselves
and the supposedly negative influence of Buddhism on th
em.
Secular scholars, when they consider the matter at all, point
to a number of
Kosuke
Koyama, "Aristotelian Pepper and Buddhist Salt," Practical
Anthropology 14, 3 (May-June 1967), 98, 99.
See Robert E.
Speer, Dwight H. Day, and David Bovaird, Report of Deputation
(New York: Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church
in the U.S.A., 1916), 85.
v
discrete historical factors.
The majority of commentators have focused, however, on precisely
the point raised by Koyama: missionary Christianity was "packaged"
in a manner profoundly alien to the life and thought of the northern
Thai people. Writing in 1928, Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, the Minister
of the Interior and a leading voice in the Thai government, argued
that it was the nineteenth-century missionaries' aggressive, negative
attitudes towards Buddhism that led to their failure to interest
the Thai people generally in Christianity.
They found the missionary message too alien, too antagonizing.
A 1931 report to the American Presbyterian Mission in Siam agreed.
It stated bluntly that Presbyterians had introduced Christianity
into Siam as a "We
stern cultural system" intent on "de-nationalizing"
and "de-culturalizing" those who converted to Christianity.
The report concluded, "The Siamese Church cannot grow either
outwardly or inwardly until it begins upon a definite program
of acculturalization." And, again, "The Church cannot
grow until it becomes a part of the life of the people."
A prominent leader of the Thai Church before World War II, the
Rev. Pluang Sudikham, expressed similar sentiments. He criticized
the predominantly Presbyterian foreign missionaries for the way
they introduced Christianity into Siam, for their attacks on Buddhism,
and for the difficult situation in which Thai
Christians found
themselves as a result. People generally considered it "un-Thai,"
he lamented, to convert to Christianity.
Maen
Pongudom's groundbreaking dissertation on Presbyterian missionary
apologetics in Thailand agrees with Pluang that negative missionary
attitudes concerning Buddhism had a substantial negative impact
on their introduction of the Christian faith into Siam.
He attributes those attitudes to the missionaries' assumption
that the Thai people, as "heathens," lived in darkness
and despair and consequently showed almost no interest in actually
studying Buddhism, let alone the religious condition of the
Thai people. Maen concludes that the Presbyterians met with
only very limited success in their evangelistic endeavors because
they were ignorant of the religion and religious life of the
nation. They were ignorant because they chose to be ignorant,
believing that a vast gulf
See,
for example, Graham S. Fordham, "Protestant Christianity
and the Transformation of Northern Thai Culture: Ritual Practice,
Belief and Kinship" (Ph.D. diss., University of Adelaide,
1991); Charles F. Keyes, "Being Protestant Christians in
Southeast Asian Worlds," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies
27, 2 (September 1996): 287; and Charles F. Keyes, "Why
the Thai Are Not Christians: Buddhist and Christian Conversion
in Thailand," in Conversion to Christianity: Historical
and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation,
ed. Robert W. Hefner (Berkeley: University of California, 1993),
277.
Prince Damrong,
"Introduction," in Historical Sketch of Protestant
Missions in Siam 1828-1928, ed., George Bradley McFarland
(Bangkok: Bangkok Times Press, 1928), 13. See also Kenneth Wells,
History of Protestant Work in Thailand 1828-1958
(Bangkok: Church of Christ in Thailand, 1958), 3.
Carl C. Zimmerman
and Bertha B. McFarland, "Report on Siam," 1931, photocopy,
Research Papers of Maen Pongudom, Payap University Archives.
Cited in Prasit
Pongudom, prawatisat saphakrischaknaiprathetthai [History
of the Church of Christ in Thailand] (Chiang Mai: Archives Unit,
Church of Christ in Thailand, 1984), 43.
Maen, "Apologetics
and Missionary Proclamation," 38, 143.
vi
stands between Christianity and Buddhism; they intended only to
destroy Buddhism, not understand it.
Philip
Hughes argues along lines that complement and expand on Maen's
thesis. Looking at Presbyterian missionary evangelism in northern
Siam as a communication process, he argues that the missionaries'
message of sin and forgiveness through Christ "…has
not been heard as Good News by mo
st northern Thai people. What
they have heard has sounded to them like some strange, foreign
ideas."
The Presbyterian missionaries in northern Siam, Hughes observes,
communicated the Christian message by portraying northern Thai
society as evil, removing their converts from the larger society,
and forbidding them from having anything to do with indigenous
religious life.
As a part of the total communication process, they attempted
to introduce an entirely new religion based on the "forms
and patterns they knew in their home churches in the West."
The result was a church that appeared and sounded markedly Western
and foreign, and, while some northern Thais accepted this new
religion in spite of its foreign nature, most did not.
The missionaries failed, Hughes concludes, to communicate their
message in culturally appropriate ways that the northern Thai
could understand and accept. They failed to persuade the northern
Thai t
hat Christianity is the answer to their problems. The
people found the missionaries' analysis of their own life-situation
unconvincing because the Christian message failed to start with
their own worldview.
Maen
and Hughes point to three important lessons for the study of
early Presbyterian missionary work in northern Siam: First,
the study of missionary apologetical proclamation has to start
with the missionaries themselves. The answer to the question
of why so few northern Thais converted to Christianity must
focus on the Laos Mission's work rather than some supposed defect
in the northern Thai people themselves, such as claimed by some
missionaries (above). Second, the key to understanding missionary
strategies and methods in northern Siam will not be found on
the field; whatever it was that caused the missionaries to behave
as they did was something they brought with them from the United
States. Third, missionary thinking provides an important key
to missi
onary behavior. Two more recent studies, one i
n Thai
history and the other in northern Thai missionary history underscore
this third point. Tongchai Winichakul's study of "mapping"
in historical Siam demonstrates how Western conceptions of boundaries
and space have
Maen,
"Apologetics and Missionary Proclamation," 46, 63ff,
144-46.
Philip J. Hughes,
Proclamation and Response: A Study of the History of the Christian
Faith in Northern Thailand (Chiang Mai: The Manuscript Division,
Payap College, 1982), 54.
Philip J. Hughes,
"The Assimilation of Christianity in the Thai Culture,"
Religion 14 (1984), 325.
Philip J. Hughes,
"Christianity and Culture: A Case Study in Northern Thailand"
(Th.D. diss., South East Asia Graduate School of Theology, 1983),
102.
Hughes, Proclamation
and Response, 56.
vii
influenced modern Thailand's understanding of Thai space.
My own investigation into the influence of Western dualism on
northern Thai missions suggests the power fundamental Western
conceptions had on missionary thinking.
If one wants to understand, in sum, why the Laos Mission conducted
its evangelism in a way that seems to have been counter-productive,
turning our attention to the American sources of missionary thinking
offers a hopeful avenue for further study.
Investigating
the sources of missionary thought, however, faces one serious
obstacle; the records of the Laos Mission do not clearly reveal
the nature of those sources. Mission records contain a great
deal of religious language, most of it not particularly insightful
and certainly not systematic, but they do not provide overt
links to particular schools of theology or ways of thinking.
Michael Coleman's study of nineteenth-century Presbyterian missionary
attitudes towards Native Americans deals with records of the
same type as those of the Laos Mission and wrestles with the
same problem of how to establish links between missionary thought
and behavior. Coleman attributes missionary attitudes to the
"Princeton Theology," a highly influential, conservative
nineteenth-century American Presbyterian theology most fully
articulated by a series of theologians at Princeton Theological
Seminary.
He points out, however, that the theology he finds in Presbyterian
missionary records is a "stripped-down" or a "simplified"
version of the Princeton system, which the missionaries themselves
alluded to only haphazardly and infrequently. Those records
do not contain the full, carefully thought out dogmatic theology
of the Princeton circle of theologians.
Given
these limitations in the missionary record, one is left with
the question of how to move from documents recording missionary
behavior to the sources of their thinking and, finally, to that
behavior itself. Historians in many fields of study in recent
decades have shown more and more interest in the links between
thought and action, seeing in those links an opportunity to
gain a sharper understanding of the course of history itself.
They have come to realize that words and concepts do not amount
to simple, transparent expressions of reality; they are, rather,
artifacts of culture that have a powerful influence on
To
ngchai
Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-body of a Nation
(Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994).
Herbert R.
Swanson, "This Heathen People: The Cognitive Sources of American
Missionary Westernizing Activities in Northern Siam, 1867-1889,"
(M.A. thesis, University of Maryland, 1987).
For Princeton's
influence, see, for example, Mark A. Noll, "The Princeton
Review," Westminster Journal of Theology (hereafter
cited as WJT) 50, 2 (Fall 1988): 289; Ernest R. Sandeen, "The
Princeton Theology: One Source of Biblical Literalism in American
Protestantism" Church History (hereafter cited as
CH) 31, 3 (September 1962): 308; and, Lefferts A. Loetscher,
Facing the Enlightenment: Archibald Alexander and the
Founding of Princeton Theological Seminary (Westport,
CT: Greenwood, 1983), ix-x.
Michael Coleman,
Presbyterian Missionary Attitudes toward American Indians,
1837-1893 (Jackson, Mississippi: University of Mississippi
Press, 1985), 34-7, 45, 120. See also John Crosby Brown Webster,
"The Christian Community and Change in North India: a History
of the Punjab and North India Missions of the Presbyterian Church
in the U.S.A. 1834-1914" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania,
1971), esp. 46ff.
viii
virtually every facet of human existence. Words and ideas frequently
contain deeper levels of meaning that lie hidden beneath our overt
use of language. At that deeper, semi-hidden level, they both
interpret and shape experiences according to precepts that are
generally little understood by the people who hold them.
The widely used shorthand term for these systems of overt as well
as covert meaning is "ideology." Having lost most of
its Marxist connotations, "ideology" has become an organizing
concept for studying the connection between belief and behavior,
between rhetoric and reality. Ideologies, in contrast to formal
thought systems, mobil
ize emotions, structure opinions, and play
a key role in determining aversions, enthusiasms, commitments,
and prejudices. They comprise "value orientations."
The concept of ideology has allowed historians to see thinking
as a social activity and to appropriate the view of Weber and
Berger that meanings are socially
constructed.
Ideology, in sum, is a social phenomenon. It is the systems of
meanings, the clusters of thought that groups of people share
and express in many different ways, not the least important of
which are patterns of behavior. The vast majority of people and
their cultures, however, are not even aware of the fact that reality
in its most meaningful part is socially constructed. They consider
their own systems of beliefs and values to be a part of the very
structure of reality itself and, frequently, to be divinely inspired.
Sociologists call this process of transform, "reification,"
the social process of converting socially constructed ideas into
ideologies.
Ideologies
tend to be both obscure and powerful, their power being a function
of their obscurity. Coleman did not avail himself of the concept
of ideology, but his sense that an obscure form of the Princeton
Theology lies at the heart of missionary thinking hints at and
assumes an ideological link between the Princeton Theology and
Presbyterian missionary ideology. A similar hint appears in the
records of the Laos Mission, which habitually use religious language
and theological concepts to describe and analyze even the most
mundane events in a form strikingly similar to what historians
call ideology. If we are correct in linking Princeton to missionary
ideology, insights gained from the Princeton Theology may well
provide an important window on the sources of missionary behavior
in northern Siam. Such insights will help us to clarify what is
otherwise obscure.
William
J. Bouwsma, "From History of Ideas to History of Meaning,"
Journal of Interdisciplinary History 12, 2 (Autumn 1981):
279-91; John E. Toews, "Intellectual History after the Linguistic
Turn: The Autonomy of Meaning and the Irreducibility of Experience,"
American Historical Review (hereafter cited as AHR) 92
(1987): 879-907; and Jo
yce Appleby, "The Power of History,"
AHR 103, 1 (February 1998): 8-9; see also Dorothy Ross, "The
New and Newer Histories: Social Theory and Historiography in an
American Key," in Imagined Histories: American Historians
Interpret the Past, eds. Anthony Molho and Gordon S. Wood,
85-106 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998).
Appleby, "The
Power of History," 6-7; and Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr. A
Behavioral Approach to Historical Analysis (New
York: Free Press, 1969), 137-38.
Peter Berger
and Stanley Pullberg, "Reification and the Sociological Critique
of Consciousness," History and Theory 4, 2 (1965):
196-211; and Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social
Construction of Reality (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin
Books, 1966), 106-08.
ix
One cannot
argue, however, that the Princeton
Theology
caused the
members of the Laos Mission to behave in certain ways. Such an
argument would be extremely difficult to prove and entail endless
difficulties in trying to tie specific doctrines to specific actions.
The value of the Princeton Theology for understanding the work
of the Laos Mission lies, rather, in the possibility that Princeton
articulated in systematic fashion a line of theological reflection
that parallels missionary behavior and thus helps us to understand
the general nature of missionary thought, which was less articulate
and systematic. The Princeton circle's voluminous writings, that
is, potentially clarify and give order to what is unclear and
lacking order in the Laos Mission's records so that one can use
Princeton to "unpack" the otherwise obscure ideological
sources of missionary behavior in northern Siam. To that end,
this dissertation explores the links between the Princeton Theology
and Presbyterian missionary behavior in several steps. Chapter
One provides background information necessary to understanding
the situation of the mission and its historical and theologica
l
contexts. Chapter Two demonstrates that clear parallels exist
between Princeton's theology and missionary thinking. Chapter
Three describes in some detail key theological concepts in the
Princeton Theology that help us understand the mission's thought
and subsequent behavior. Chapters Four through Six study a series
of important events in the formation of the Laos Mission from
the perspective of those concepts with an eye to demonstrating
the relationship between missionary thought and their practice
of missions.
The study
of the Laos Mission's thought and behavior in light of the Princeton
Theology requires one important conceptual adjustment. However
ideological the mission's records may appear is some respects,
they are at least as theological as they are ideological. With
this observation in mind, we will generally use the phrase "system
of doctrines and meanings" in place of the term ideology
because it is impossible to separate the mission's (covert) ideological
from its (overt) theological expression in
any meaningful way.
One might argue that, to a degree, the Laos Mission's system of
doctrines and meanings was theological in content and ideological
in form, but even this observation involves making difficult distinctions
between what is "content" and what is "form"
and how form influences content and vice versa. In practice, the
mission expressed its theology ideologically and its ideology
theologically to the
extent that they formed one system of theological
doctrines and ideological meanings. That is to say, the Laos Mission's
behavior was not based entirely on a semi-covert, unconscious
system of meanings; it was also informed quite consciously by
the missionaries' theological system of doctrines, hence the phrase
"system of doctrines and meanings," also frequently
rendered as "system of meanings and doctrines."
The crucial
period in Laos Mission history for the study of its system of
doctrines and meanings is the mission's pioneer era, 1867-1880.
There are several reasons for selecting this hist
orical period.
First, the evidential record for that era is itself rich in sources
x
that are particularly reflective of missionary thought. Second,
during those years the mission passed through a series of significant
events that left an indelible mark on its later development, making
the connection between the mission's system of meanings and doctrines
and its behavior clearly discernible. Third, the mission's cognitive
system was in and of itself notably resistant to change, which
is to say that its initial structure remained influential throughout
the history of the mission. Finally, the mission's weak, almost
inconsequential administrative structures created a sense of inertia
in the mission's later years that reinforced and highlighted the
significance of its pioneer era.
This dissertation
argues, then, that
the Princeton Theology provides substantial
insights into the system of doctrines and meanings of the Laos
Mission, which system comprised a key source of missionary behavior
in northern Siam during the years from 1867 to 1880. To make
its case, the dissertation uses two sets of primary data. The
first set is the records of the Laos Mission, primarily up to
1880. The second set is the theological writings of the Princeton
circle of theologians, emphasizing the period before the American
Civil War.
The motivation
for this study was the perception that, if successful, it will
contribute to a better understanding of the origins and development
of the former Presbyterian churches of northern Thailand that
today belong to the Church of Christ in Thailand. The goal is
to carry the lines of academic investigation begun by Maen in
the 1970s and Hughes and myself in the 1980s an important step
further. It has become clear, furthermore, that this dissertation
also offers insights into the ways in which Western missionaries
introduced Western theology and ideology into an Asian church
setting, background insights potentially useful to
the development
of Thai and Asian contextual theologies. It affords historians
of Thailand, more generally, with an increased understanding of
the ideologies that contributed to Presbyterian missionary modernization,
an important secondary agent of nineteenth-century Thai social
change. This study also provides insights for those studying the
role of the Laos Mission in Bangkok's moves to integrate its northern
dependencies into the Siamese state. From the view point of American
Presbyterian Church history and the study of nineteenth-century
American evangelicalism, furthermore, this dissertation sheds
light on the ways in which American religious ideology and theology
influenced the thinking and behavior of "typical" adherents.
The central focus of our attention, however, will remain steadily
on the role missionary systems of doctrines and meanings played
in the formation of the church in northern Siam.
Herbert
R. Swanson, Khrischak Muang Nua: A Study in Northern Thai
Church History (Bangkok: Chuan Press, 1984), 37-8, 71-3,
89.
xi
In light
of this central focus, it should be noted, briefly, what this
dissertation is not about as well as what it is about. It is
not
a comparative study relating Presbyterian work in other fields
to that in northern Siam. The purpose of this dissertation, as
stated before, is to investigate Presbyterian missionary behavior
specifically in northern Siam, a subject sufficiently broad, complex,
and important to deserve investigation in its own right. The lack
of comparable investigations of other Asian Presbyterian fields,
furthermore, renders the use of comparative data problematic and
questionable. This study is also
not an exercise in missionary
biography. Biographical material, such as is available, has been
utilized only as it contributes to the dissertation's main lines
of argument. This dissertation, again, is
not a narrative
histo
ry of the Laos Mission and it is
not an institutional
history of the mission, which means that many "interesting"
details of that mission's history and its institutional development
are included here only as they are relevant to our thesis. This
work is
not about the northern Thai church; it
is
about the Laos Mission. It is
not about what has happened
since 1880, and later developments are mentioned only as they
shed light on the mission's pioneer era.
I would
like to express my deepest thanks to a number of people who have
assisted me in the successful completion of this dissertation;
all of them have been instrumental in improving the quality of
my work. Dr. Philip J. Hughes, my advisor, has taken time from
an extremely busy schedule to assist me in every phase of the
research and writing process. His encouragement and advice have
kept me on a straight course. Dr. Harold Pidwell, former Dean
of the Melbourne College of Divinity, and the other members of
the MCD staff have been most helpful and responsive. Dr. Don Swearer
and Peter Wallace shared their comments on and advice regar
ding
an earlier draft of this study. Ed Zehner provided important editorial
comments and advice on the overall structure of the dissertation;
John Olson, Marilyn Olson, Bryan Green, and Neela Swanson helped
proofread the final draft.
I also owe
a debt of thanks to the staffs at the Payap University Archives,
Speer Library, Princeton Theological Seminary, and Hutchins Library,
Berea College, for their timely assistance. My colleagues at the
Office of History, Church of Christ in Thailand, deserve thanks
as well for their patience with a "boss" who for many
months seemed more concerned with his dissertation than his other
duties.
My wife,
Warunee, merits special thanks in all things for her love, patience,
and wise counsel; she also helped proofread the final draft. I
would like to dedicate this dissertation and all that has gone
into it to Dad and M
om, Roland and Ruth Swanson. It is as much
the fruit of their lives as of my own.
xii
Finally,
and as required by the Melbourne College of Divinity, I affirm
that the form and contents of this dissertation represent the
original thinking of the author unless otherwise specified in
the text and/or footnotes.
Herbert R. Swanson
Ban Dok Daeng
February 2003
xiii
